EBOOK Reconstructing the Cold War:The Early Years, 1945-1958 -

EBOOK Reconstructing the Cold War:The Early Years, 1945-1958
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Wydawnictwo: Oxford University Press
ISBN: 9780199930012
EAN: D91987E9EB
Format: 0,0 x 0,0 x 0,0
Oprawa: ...
Stron: 320
Data wydania: 2012
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General answers are hard to imagine for the many puzzling questions that are        raised by Soviet relations with the world in the early years of the Cold War. Why        was Moscow more frightened by the Marshall Plan than the Truman Doctrine? Why would        the Soviet Union abandon its closest socialist ally, Yugoslavia, just when the Cold        War was getting under way? How could Khrushchev's de-Stalinized domestic and foreign        policies at first cause a warming of relations with China, and then lead to the loss        of its most important strategic ally? What can explain Stalin's failure to ally with        the leaders of the decolonizing world against imperialism and Khrushchev's        enthusiastic embrace of these leaders as anti-imperialist at a time of the first        detente of the Cold War?It would seem that only idiosyncratic explanations could be        offered for these seemingly incoherent policy outcomes. Or, at best, they could be        explained by the personalities of Stalin and Khrushchev as leaders. The latter,        although plausible, is incorrect. In fact, the most Stalinist of Soviet leaders, the        secret police chief and sociopath, Lavrentii Beria, was the most enthusiastic        proponent of de-Stalinized foreign and domestic policies after Stalin's death in        March 1953.Ted Hopf argues, instead, that it was Soviet identity that explains these        anomalies. During Stalin's rule, a discourse of danger prevailed in Soviet society,        where any deviations from the idealized version of the New Soviet Man, were        understood as threatening the very survival of the Soviet project itself. But the        discourse of danger did not go unchallenged. Even under the rule of Stalin, Soviet        society understood a socialist Soviet Union as a more secure, diverse, and socially        democratic place. This discourse of difference, with its broader conception of what        the socialist project meant, and who could contribute to it, was empowered after        Stalin's death, first by Beria, then by Malenkov, and then by Khrushchev, and the        rest of the post-Stalin Soviet leadership. This discourse of difference allowed for        the de-Stalinization of Eastern Europe, with the consequent revolts in Poland and        Hungary, a rapprochement with Tito's Yugoslavia, and an initial warming of relations        with China. But it also sowed the seeds of the split with China, as the latter moved        in the very Stalinist direction at home just rejected by Moscow. And, contrary to        conventional and scholarly wisdom, a moderation of authoritarianism at home, a        product of the discourse of difference, did not lead to a moderation of Soviet        foreign policy abroad. Instead, it led to the opening of an entirely new, and        bloody, front in the decolonizing world.In sum, this book argues for paying        attention to how societies understand themselves, even in the most repressive of        regimes. Who knows, their ideas about national identity, might come to power        sometime, as was the case in Iran in 1979, and throughout the Arab world        today.

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